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LoveBrand

  • Любовь
  • Интерес
  • Оптимизм
  • Доверие

Цінності

  • Простые
  • Интересные
  • Энергичные
  • Живые
  • Активные
  • Не тупят
  • Активно борются за улучшение будущего
  • Любопытные
  • Открытые
  • Сознательные
  • Готовые к изменениям
  • Ломать стереотипы
  • Скептики
  • Ожидаем невозможного
  • Креативные

Culture

  • peer to peer rule (no hierarchy);
  • openness and willingness to take action;
  • a way out of social isolation;
  • mutual support, inspiration;
  • the formation of introspection skills;
  • removing the block to express feelings;
  • getting rid of stress and depression;
  • the program is based on secular principles, without rituals, cults and religious fanaticism.

Принципи

Люди будуть поводитися так само, як поводитеся ви, коли обговорюєте ідеї на дзвінках чи в чатах. Навчайте їх бути ввічливими та дружелюбними, безвідносно до того, наскільки жорсткими та лютими будуть нападки на них, і стануться чудеса.

Ми – сміливі.

Ми допомагаємо один одному йти вперед.

Ми довіряємо один одному.

Ми висуваємо ініціативи і поважаємо ініціативи інших.

Ми поважаємо знання.

Ми поважаємо час інших і сфокусованість організації.

Ми діємо з гідністю.

Ми прийшли надовго.

Ми представляємо себе.

Ми приймаємо рішення.

Ми є лідерами, бо надихаємо та пропонуємо ідеї, а не тому, що ми командуємо.

Ми просуваємо рольове моделювання.

Наша винагорода – це увага.

Ми виходимо з того, що всі в організації мають добрі наміри.

Ми відразу ж реагуємо на неповагу.

Ми говоримо від нашого власного імені.

Ми відстоюємо нашу точку зору.

Адміністрування – це підтримка, але ніколи не мета.

Ми розбудовуємо соціальні зв’язки.

Role of creative industries in the post-socialist urban transformation

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A characteristic feature of the contemporary world is that creativity and knowledge, more than ever, affect the nature and performance of socio-economic systems. This also holds for cities and regions for which creativity and knowledge are fast becoming major factors determining their development and competitiveness.

The major drawbacks with a bearing on urban policy in the recent years have been:

  • the sectoral character of actions focused on solving problems in the particular spheres of socio-economic life (e.g. public transport, health care, public security, environmental protection, enterprise encouragement),
  • a multiplicity of strategic and planning documents defining similar objectives, but not always equipped with concrete instruments to achieve them,
  • lack of a common development policy for a city and its region, and
  • a multiplicity of decision-making entities in the area of the city’s activities (local commune and district authorities, regional authorities).

Теория креативного класса

Florida defined as members of the creative class, those who are employed in occupations that are, to a significant extent, associated with “the creation of meaningful new forms.”

Ричард Флорида пишет в своих книгах о том, что кардинальным отличием креативного класса от других является то, за что они получают свои деньги. Например, представителям обслуживающего и рабочего класса платят за выполнение определённого вида работ в определённые сроки, т.е. в соответствии с установленным планом. А креативный класс зарабатывает благодаря тому, что проектирует и создаёт нечто новое.

A super-creative core:

  • Computer and mathematical occupations
  • Architecture and engineering occupations
  • Life, physical, and social science occupations
  • Education, training, and library occupations
  • Arts, design, entertainment, sports, and media occupations

Creative professionals:

  • Management occupations
  • Business and financial operations occupations
  • Legal occupations
  • Health care practitioners and technical occupations
  • High-end sales and sales management

Florida rejected the option of defining the creative class in terms of human capital (i.e., college graduation), pointing out that not all college graduates work in creative occupations, and many who are employed in creative occupations never attended college or dropped out prior to graduation. Members of the creative class, though, do tend to be college graduates.

В теории Ричарда Флорида многие видели массу недостатков, но сам исследователь утверждает, что она содержит намного больше точности, чем неопределённые понятия «работников умственного труда», «профессионалов и технологов» и т.д.

Ценности

  • Индивидуальность
  • Открытость (разнообразие)
  • Меритократия

Подходы

  • автентичність (емоційний інтелект)
  • візуальні фреймворки
  • динамічне навчання та гейміфікація
  • креативні профілі в команді

Компетенции

image

FloridasCCThesis.pdf

Academic critics of Florida have pointed out that regional human capital (i.e., measures of college degrees) account for measures of economic growth better than regional creative capital.

Florida and his associates found that measures of human capital are more strongly associated with wage growth, while measures of the creative class are more strongly associated with income growth.

Asheim and Hansen (2009) argued that Florida’s notion of a single creative class needs to be amended. Their own (2009) research utilizes a typology grounded in the proposition that different creative occupations and industries emphasize different bases of knowledge (i.e., synthetic, analytical, and symbolic).

  • Synthetic knowledge is generally emphasized in traditional industries (e.g., automotive, oil and natural gas) and typically formed in response to the need to solve specific problems through interactions with customers and suppliers. It utilizes a creative process in which innovation takes place mainly through the application or novel combination of existing knowledge.
  • Analytical knowledge is dominant within industries that utilize analytical models to produce formal scientific discoveries or radically new inventions or products (e.g., biotechnology, software engineering, nanotechnology), while symbolic knowledge involves the “the creation of meaning and desire,” “intellectual and/or spiritual nourishment,” and “the aesthetic attributes of products.”
  • Symbolic knowledge is dominant in occupations and industries that produce designs, images, symbols, and cultural products (e.g., filmmaking, publishing, music, advertising, website design, packaging design, and fashion). Florida argued that cities that have a tolerant, diverse and stimulating people climate will attract the creative class overall, but was referring mainly to those in the super creative core who work in newly emerging creative industries drawing mainly on analytical and symbolic knowledge (Asheim and Hansen 2009).

Those who work in analytical production, and especially, symbolic production tend to prefer central city locations, make locational decisions that are affected by the people climate factors highlighted by Florida, and tend to benefit greatly from the cross fertilization of knowledge (e.g., fashion, art, media, technology, design) that occurs in a diverse, cultural tolerant multicultural milieu where creative producers get direct exposure to emerging signs, symbols, and images.

Industries where work usually emphasizes synthetic knowledge (e.g., most engineers) don’t normally benefit from exposure to a culturally stimulating urban milieu, and are often relatively conservative. They tend to prefer a relatively peaceful environment, and more likely to live in a suburban region, but their locational decisions are based mainly on “hard locational factors” such as rent levels, tax levels, and traffic and technical infrastructure (Asheim and Hansen 2009).

Criticism

It’s not hard to see why Florida’s ideas would have wide appeal. His book has struck a chord among a generation of young, tech-oriented workers and entrepreneurs—the Fast Company magazine crowd that Florida is writing about—because rather than bash their go-go, Silicon Valley culture, as critics from both the Left and the Right have done for different reasons, Florida celebrates it. Creative Class also appeals to a broader group of young, educated workers, who, as David Brooks describes in Bobos in Paradise, have managed to combine two traditions that had previously been at odds—the bourgeois work ethic with bohemian culture—into something new, which Florida calls his “creative class.” To such people, work offers spiritual as well as economic gratification. They may come to the office dressed in jeans and sneakers, but they happily work 12-hour days, view their co-workers as close friends, and look to their jobs for a sense of personal fulfillment, growth, and even identity (see “Ecstatic Capitalism’s Brave New Work Ethic,” Winter 2001). Unlike Brooks, who gently satirizes these bobos, Florida regards them as a powerful and admirable new capitalist class that state and local policymakers should court enthusiastically.

But cities rushing to embrace Florida’s ideas have based their strategies more on wishful thinking than clear-eyed analysis. Neither the professor nor his most ardent adherents seem worried that the Internet generation formed its eccentric capitalist culture during a speculative bubble, when billions of dollars of free-flowing investment capital gave workers and their bosses the freedom to ignore basic economic concerns, and that now, with that money vanished and many companies defunct, a focus on such old-economy ideas as profits and tax rates has re-emerged.

Jobs don’t tell the whole story. Florida likes to talk about his most creative cities as centers of innovation, and, based on his writings, one would assume that these cities would be home to thousands of fast-growing companies. But many are not. In fact, according to one recent independent study of entrepreneurship in America, Florida’s most creative cities are no more likely to be powerful incubators of fast-growing businesses than those at the bottom of his rankings.

The only thing that keeps some of Florida’s “ideal” cities from population loss is that they attract large numbers of foreign immigrants, who replace fleeing U.S. citizens. But cities that operate this way can hardly be called talent magnets or economic engines, because the U.S. residents they lose are, by and large, better educated and wealthier than the immigrants they attract. To illustrate: an Empire Foundation study of New York City’s out-migration during the mid-1990s found that those leaving Manhattan earned, on average, about $60,000 a year, while studies of IRS data have shown that foreign immigrants who move into New York typically earn just $25,000 their first year here, which puts them among the city’s lowest 25 percent of earners.

More

  • Індекс культурного та креативного потенціалу міст України
  • https://creativeclass.com/
  • https://www.facebook.com/iverbytskyi
  • https://ucf.in.ua/en/m_lots/5f7b215db3a200653e13dff8
  • https://ucf.in.ua/en/m_lots/5f7b22a2466a7646ba1438c7
  • https://creativecountry.org/
  • https://bs.krok.edu.ua/vikladachi/menedzhment-ta-liderstvo/oksana-sjedashova/
  • Many corporations, though, have established job enrichment programs designed to increase worker satisfaction and creativity, and from the establishment of profit sharing and employee ownership plans. Such efforts, though, have never been dominant within industrial or post-industrial capitalist economies.
  • On www.citlab.org, though, Florida has recently suggested, albeit briefly, that workers could reduce inequality through the formation of labor unions.
  • УКФ Culture.
  • Creativity
  • TEDx спільнота
  • Torrance Tests of Creative Thinking, TTCT
  • Torrance E. P. Guiding creative talent – Englewood Cliffs. — NY: Prentice-Hall, 1964.
  • Torrance E. P. The Torrance Test of creative thinking: Technical-norm manual. Ill, 1974.
  • Mednich S.A. The associative basis of the creative process // Psychol. Rewiew . 1969. № 2.
  • Wollach M.A., Kogan N.A. A new look at the creativity — intelligence distinction // Journal of Personality. 1965. № 33.
  • Литвиненко С. Креативність як загальна здібність до творчості: сучасні підходи // Збірник наукових праць полтавського державного педагогічного університету імені В.Г. Короленка. – Серія «Педагогічні науки». – випуск 3 (50). – Полтава, 2006. – С.215-219.
  • Березина Т.Н Интеллект и креативность - Эдип, 2008, № 3, С. 92-101.
  • Богоявленская Д.Б Психология творческих способностей. М.: «Академия».
  • Холодная М.А. Психология интеллекта: парадоксы исследования. М –Томск, 1997.
  • Яковлев В.Я. Философские принципы креативности / Вестник Московского Университета. 2005.
  • Torrance E. Guiding creative talent – Englewood Cliffs. NY. Prentice-Hall, 1964, -128 с.
  • Айзенк Г. Интеллект: новый взгляд. - Вопросы психологии, 1995, № 1, С.111-131.
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  • Лук А. Н. Психология творчества.- М.: 1987. – С. 11 – 26.
  • Мей Р. Мужество творить: очерк психологии творчества.
  • Пономарев. Я.А. Психология творчества и педагогика. – М.: Педагогика, 1976. – С.29 – 33.
  • Ярошевский М.Г. Психология творчества и творчество в психологии. – Вопросы психологии, №6, 1985 – С. 14 – 24.
  • Б. Мещеряков, В. Зинченко. Большой психологический словарь. - M. 2004
  • Станислав Райх Психодиагностика креативности (обзорная статья) - Киев. 2011 - 6 с.

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